Battle against religious nationalism in Bangladesh is beginning, Farhad Mazhar says

Writer and political philosopher Farhad Mazhar believes that following the decision to ban the Awami League and the issuance of the July Proclamation, Bangladesh is now entering a critical phase—a struggle against religious nationalism.

Speaking on the matter, Mazhar said: “Fascists have two defining characteristics—both sides of the same coin. One is their secular nationalism, the other is religious nationalism. These are two faces of the same nationalist ideology.”

He added, “The people of Bangladesh now face two adversaries. We have already begun the fight against religious nationalism, and public awareness of its dangers is growing. United, we must resist and overcome this threat.”

In response to demands from leaders of the July Uprising, the interim government has decided to ban the Awami League’s activities until amendments to the anti-terrorism law are made and the ongoing trial proceedings conclude.

Law Advisor Asif Nazrul announced that an official notification will be issued on Monday.

Farhad Mazhar shared his analysis on these developments—ranging from the Awami League ban to broader political obstacles—on “Inside Out”, a discussion programme hosted by bdnews24.com.

Many view him as one of the key figures behind the July Uprising.

The episode aired on bdnews24.com’s Facebook page and YouTube channel on Sunday.

WHY FIGHT RELIGIOUS NATIONALISM?

Farhad Mazhar elaborated on the nature of the fight against religious nationalism—who the adversaries are and how the struggle must be waged.

He argued that the Awami League’s “fascism” arises from a convergence of both secular and religious fascist tendencies within Bangladesh’s socio-political landscape.

“We need to distinguish fascism in three forms,” Mazhar said. “First, fascism as an ideology. Second, fascist power—when that ideology becomes an organised political and social force. And third, the fascist constitution, which institutionalises this power.”

According to Mazhar, secular fascism—once legitimised through the rhetoric of Bengali nationalism and socialism—has already been confronted.

“We have faced secular fascism,” he said. “But now, we must confront another form—religious nationalism. It claims moral authority through religion, views everyone else as an enemy, and wages war in the name of faith.”

He criticised the misuse of religion for authoritarian ends.

“This is the power that destroys shrines in the name of Islam, that harasses women in the name of Islam, that reduces Islam to a doctrine of the afterlife, stripping it of its philosophical depth and historical significance.”

Mazhar also posed a critical question: Does fascism obstruct historical progress?

He believes religious nationalism is ultimately unsustainable.

“If the Awami League collapses, religious nationalism will also begin to fade,” he asserted. “It has no enduring role in world history and will not have a lasting place in Bangladesh’s history either.”

However, he drew a clear distinction between religion and religious nationalism.

“Islam will endure. For those who practice it sincerely, the first lesson is that Islam stands against nationalism. It does not tolerate any form of nationalist ideology.”

SHOULD OTHER PARTIES BE BANNED?

As Farhad Mazhar discussed the “fascist” tendencies of the Awami League, he raised a provocative question: should other political parties also face scrutiny or even calls for a ban?

“It depends on their actions,” he said. “Today, I encountered an Islamist who opposed the construction of the Shapla Chattar, claiming that building a minaret is against our religion. In doing so, they erase the memory of our collective past.”

Mazhar strongly criticised the violent suppression of madrasa students and the attempt to erase the historical significance of the Shapla Chattar (square).

“The bloodshed that occurred to cover up this incident, and the way Sheikh Hasina treated these young madrasa students, have turned those who once called her the ‘Qawmi Janani’ into enemies of Bangladesh’s Muslims,” he said.

He denounced the apparent displacement of political expression from Shapla Chattar to Shahbagh.

“They prevented Shapla from becoming a monument of our struggle, and now they have come to occupy Shahbagh—a space that is not theirs. Shapla was our symbol, our memorial. By destroying that, and now defiling Shahbagh, they reveal the true nature of their politics.”

“This cannot continue. Politics cannot be built on suppression and historical erasure. Such behaviour reflects the essence of fascism, and it is our duty to expose it.”

He continued his critique: “Those who destroy shrines, insult women, and treat them as subordinates—do you think the people of Bangladesh will tolerate this after the mass uprising? Absolutely not.”

Mazhar made a call to action: “We must confront all forms of fascism—whether secular or religious—and all fascist forces. Only then can we begin to build a new, just Bangladesh.”

RELIGIOUS NATIONALISTS: TRUE ALLIES OF THE AWAMI LEAGUE

The political thinker contends that those who oppose women’s rights and desecrate religious sites in the name of Islam are, in fact, aligned with the Awami League.

“These groups,” he said, “have actively participated in efforts that ultimately helped the Awami League rise to power. That’s why today’s struggle is not only against religious nationalism but also for the restoration of Islam’s true dignity.”

Mazhar also offered a provocative take on Bengali identity, arguing that it is historically rooted in the Muslim experience.

“‘Bengali’ doesn’t refer to the people of Kolkata. We became Bengalis through conflict, and in that sense, the term has come to imply Muslim Bengalis.”

From this standpoint, he advocated for a culturally grounded Islamic identity.

“We are not Arabs, Iranians, or Turanians. But as the custodians of the Bengali language and culture, we must emphasise Islam’s historical and philosophical significance within that context. That is how we will move forward—by embracing the richness of Islam in our own language and cultural heritage. This is the future the people of Bangladesh can believe in.”

AWAMI LEAGUE NEEDS SOCIAL REHABILITATION, NOT POLITICAL

In a recent Facebook post, the writer and political thinker called for a complete ban on the Awami League, arguing that the party must not only be dismantled politically but also addressed through broader social processes.

Widely regarded as a key intellectual force behind the July Uprising, Mazhar insists the moment demands a critical re-evaluation of Bangladesh’s political history.

“Whenever a mass uprising takes place,” he wrote, “it compels us to revisit and challenge historical narratives. For decades, history has been told from the Awami League’s perspective. The ban brings that narrative into question.”

Mazhar labelled the Awami League a fascist organisation, citing its ideological foundations, methods of governance, and record of human rights abuses.

“If Hitler’s party could be banned after World War II, and Mussolini’s as well, why should the Awami League be exempt? That’s the first step. But I believe we must go further.”

He argued that while the party should be banned, its rank-and-file members and supporters should not be condemned indiscriminately.

“The party is fascist, but its supporters are not necessarily so. We must adopt a process of social rehabilitation, rooted in truth and reconciliation—like the vision Nelson Mandela offered. Our society bears deep wounds, some historical, others recent. Justice was never served for those who were killed or disappeared.”

Mazhar clarified that this rehabilitation should be social, not political.

“The party must be banned—that is clear. But alongside that, we need social rehabilitation. This is not the same as political rehabilitation.

“Fascist ideologies cannot be reintegrated into the political sphere. What we must do is socially re-educate individuals, help them reexamine history, and build a new national narrative—one that reflects the voice and experience of the people.”

‘POETIC JUSTICE’

Farhad Mazhar describes the banning of Awami League politics in Bangladesh—more than five decades after independence—as a long-overdue reckoning, a moment of poetic justice.

“I don’t see it as a tragedy,” he said. “It is poetic justice.”

According to Mazhar, the people of Bangladesh once accepted Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as a leader because he championed provincial autonomy.

“In the 1970s, he was elected to draft the constitution of Pakistan under the framework of the Legal Framework Order (LFO), which was meant to uphold an Islamic constitution. The people of what was then East Pakistan supported him to fulfil that mandate.”

However, Mazhar argues that Sheikh Mujib ultimately betrayed that vision.

“After independence, he denied the 1971 declaration of the Liberation War and the proclamation of independence. Then, in 1972, he imposed a constitution that disregarded the will of the people who had elected him within a different political context—under Pakistan, not an independent Bangladesh.”

“By doing so, he imposed a constitution on Abdul Quader Molla, who was legally Pakistani. They had been elected to serve Pakistan, not as a party chosen by the free people of independent Bangladesh.

“As a result, in 1972, they had no political or legal right to impose or formulate a constitution. This led to a fascist regime for many years, which I view as its punishment. That is why I call it poetic justice. Today, this party is considered banned by the people of Bangladesh, and the interim government has acted accordingly. I believe they did the right thing.”

‘INTERIM GOVT ON RIGHT TRACK’

Farhad Mazhar believes that the government's decision to ban the Awami League is justified and that the government is on the right track.

When asked about the potential consequences of banning the Awami League, he said, “It will undoubtedly be a positive move. First and foremost, this reflects the anger of the people of Bangladesh and the demands of its students and youth. The government has acknowledged these demands and is taking action.

“However, they made a mistake by not announcing this in July; now they claim they will make a new announcement within 30 working days. Whatever the announcement may be, it will be made.”

Regarding the July Revolution, Mazhar commented that it will not be announced in consultation with any political party.

He said, "This decision rests exclusively with the students—the leaders of the mass uprising. I believe Dr Yunus's approach is misguided.

“His initial idea was that the students would announce their plans. The acceptance of that announcement depends on the sentiments of the people. If the people find it acceptable, they will embrace it; if not, they will pass judgment. This situation does not involve political parties because they did not lead the mass uprising—the people did.”

The writer and political thinker credited the uprising to the collective will of the people, saying: “The ruling party is the people. Therefore, the students and youth will speak on behalf of the people. This is the guiding principle.

“The ban on the Awami League, enforced under the terrorism law, is appropriate until its trial is complete. Additionally, declaring the July Uprising would be an even better move, suggesting that the interim government is progressing in the right direction.

“If they also implement a reconciliation process modelled after Nelson Mandela’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, they will undoubtedly be on the right path.”

[Writing in English by Syed Mahmud Onindo]